A story of hope.

A story of survival by Amin Mustafa, a Rohigya refugee living in the Bangladesh refugee camp.

On May 21, 2022, at around 6:30 in the morning, a tragedy unfolded off the coast of Myanmar’s Ayeyarwady Region—one that was barely heard by the world, yet deeply etched into the lives of those who lived through it. I am Amin Mustafa, a Rohingya survivor, and I carry the weight of that day not just in memory, but in responsibility—to speak the truth for the 49 souls we lost, including children. We were 90 people aboard a boat that set out with hope. Hope to escape persecution, poverty, and the suffocating limits placed on our lives as Rohingya. Among us were men, women, and children. Some were seeking freedom. Others just a future. The journey was dangerous from the start, but desperation pushed us forward. We had left Sittwe and made our way along the coast. But as we neared the Ayeyarwady delta, harsh weather overtook us. The boat capsized at 6:30 a.m. Chaos. Screams. Darkness in daylight. Some clung to the wreckage. Others were swept away by the river’s force. We—31 of us—survived by swimming for 15 hours. I fought the water, exhaustion, and fear for my life until I finally reached safety. Many others weren’t so lucky. The ocean claimed the lives of 49 people, including many children. Their dreams, their futures, their families—all lost to the waves. And yet, the suffering didn’t stop there. When we were rescued, instead of being helped or treated with dignity, the Myanmar authorities arrested us. We, the survivors of a deadly boat disaster, were sentenced to two years in Pathein Prison—punished simply for being Rohingya, for trying to survive. And the world was silent. No headlines spoke of our 15-hour battle in the river. No reports honoured the children who died. No human rights voice condemned the prison time we endured. The truth was buried with those we lost. We were not just numbers. We were families. We were students, mothers, fathers, dreamers—human beings. This wasn’t just an accident. It was the result of decades of oppression. A system that sees Rohingya lives as unworthy. A system that drives us into the sea and then locks us in prison when we survive. To the families of those who died that morning: I will never forget. I speak for them now. To the world: hear our story. Believe our pain. Share our truth.

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A suicide note of a little fifth-grade girl (at IDP camp in Myanmar)

“Dear Mommy, please be happy when I’m gone. I apologizes for causing you trouble by being here. Because I wanted to go to school, and you got to buy those things. There’s no money left, so you could’t buy anythings for me.

Dear Big Brother, my very beloved brother, thank you so much for everything you’ve done for me, your little sister. Please let me go the right way, brother. Let me say goodbye to Mom and Dad. I can’t stay in this life anymore.

Dear Friends, please tell my teachers I’m grateful for teaching me. If I were still there, I wouldn’t forget to thank them.

Dear Htwar Re, whom I treated like a brother, please forgive the wrong things I said. I can’t say it now, I have to write it. Brother, no one will let your little sister go to school anymore. Your little sister is very tired now.

Mom, your daughter is leaving now. I pray that Dad won’t be harsh like before. Love family.”

https://www.facebook.com/share/p/1BwvDR2gJK/?mibextid=wwXIfr

Flooding in the Bangladesh Refugee Camp

Every year refugees are faced with extreme flooding in the camps. This year has been exceptionally bad with many shelters destroyed and people left destitute. Added to this, UNHCR has cut funding so food is in short supply and local teachers who were employed to teach in the camps schools have been dismissed.

While people in Myanmar are suffering from the earthquake, Min Aung Hlaing and his criminal gang are doing the only thing they know — abusing, exploiting, and destroying.
– Bombing the Survivors:
Even in the middle of a disaster, the junta continues bombing. Before, during, and after the quake. No pause. No humanity in their souls.
– No Hospitals, No Doctors:
Over 20 hospitals were shut down because the junta targeted CDM doctors. They hunted, harassed, and looted from them. Now, with no doctors and no hospitals, the wounded are left on the streets under blazing hot sun.
– Forced Recruitment:
Morning conscription continues. Young men are abducted seized and forced to die serving the military for his greed and power.
– Cutting off Communications:
Survivors are struggling to get help because the junta blocks the internet and causes VPN issues. They don’t want the world to see the truth.
– No International Media:
The junta tries to keep journalists out of the country to prevent accurate unbiased coverage of the disaster, blocking any chance of exposing the real situation.
– Pretending to be a Government:
They beg for international aid like a legitimate government. Once they get it? They will no doubt hoard it, sell it on the black market, and pocket the profits from currency exchange loop hole – as they have done before.
– Resources for Themselves:
Past experience shows that every resource goes to areas controlled by the junta. The people? They are not the junta’s priority.
– Stolen Funds:
The disaster relief funds from the NLD era? Gone. The junta claims they’re for “national development,” but the junta isn’t developing anything to benefit the people.
– Blocking Punishing Opposition Help: Opposition groups and ethnic organizations, who are often the first to respond in crises, wereare arrested and imprisoned for helping their own people by the previous military junta.
– Blocking Help:
People are still trapped, dying under the rubble, while Min Aung Hlaing refuses to let help in. Taiwan offered to send rescue teams but the junta rejected it. The junta blocks the roads from preventing anyone trying to help from arriving. By night, junta curfews block rescue attempts.
– The Stench of Death: Entire towns reek of death. Families can’t even retrieve their loved ones. The junta doesn’t care. and still blocks the roads from anyone trying to help.
This is the man ASEAN and world leaders choose to meet with. Every handshake with this criminal and his cronies puppets is a betrayal of the people suffering under his brutal oppression. Stop giving him the legitimacy he craves. He isn’t a leader. He’s untrustworthy and pure evil.
Author’s name removed for security reasons.

Rohingya refugees long for their homeland.

Despite the risks, every Rohingya longs to return to their homeland.
At today’s iftar gathering in the Rohingya camp, organized by the Chief Adviser, the oppressed people expelled from Arakan State made this heartfelt appeal to UN Secretary-General António Guterres.~ Juhar Khan
Safe Zones.
Due to the overcrowding in the Bangladesh refugee camps, there has been a lot of talk about safe zones in Myanmar for the Rohingya.
First, let us keep in mind the overriding cause of the conflicts in Myanmar, a country where successive governments have been gradually ethnic cleansing the population in order to restore the nation to a solely Buddhist state.
The Rohingya are understandably eager to return to their homeland and safe zones have been proposed as a means of protection, but are they a good idea?
Safe zones have not been shown to be very effective as a means of saving lives. Take the example of Palestine where Israel has struck safe zones hundreds of times and where people have faced death, massive injuries and/or starvation.
So-called “safe zones” pose an increasingly pressing threat to genuine and legitimate protection for refugees fleeing conflict. Safe zones are not for safety, the are to prevent the flow of migration to neighbouring countries during times of war. Safe zones can be used to circumvent the obligations of states receiving refugees and displaced persons required under international law. In particular, safe zones prevent the right to leave a place of danger and to seek asylum elsewhere. In terms of international law, safe zones violate the prohibition on refoulement (the law against returning refugees to a place of danger).
Safe zones, due to their volatility cannot protect refugees in the manner specified under humanitarian and international laws. To be succinct, safe zones cannot be a substitute for refugee protection and the obligations of individual states to meet the needs of refugees entering their territory.
Safe zones are not a new idea and in theory they are said to have the ability to protect refugees and deliver services needed for people fleeing conflicts, but in reality, safe zones are a methodology for states to abrogate their responsibilities to needy refugees
Due to the number of armed conflicts around the world and the continuing flow of refugees, a number of countries are considering safe zones. However, safe zones, if they are to remain safe, require the cooperation of warring parties. Not only are safe zones unreliable for meeting the needs of refugees, they pose considerable danger to a people experiencing genocide. Indeed, genocide becomes much easier and less noticeable because the refugees are confined.
Safe zones are not a suitable option to a growing refugee problem. They violate the rights of refugees to seek protection elsewhere, they prevent protection from the hostilities a civilian population. Safe zones are at the mercy of unstable and volatile governments and their armed forces. They make the delivery of services, including food and medicines more difficult. For this and other reasons the United Nations Security council have not authorised safe zones since the 1990s.
Safe zones require consent from all parties and if consent is not given with good intent, safe zones pose a further risk of hostilities towards people who are already perceived to be the enemy. There is no freedom and no security in a safe zone for the Rohingya..
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The international community must intervene in this brutality against the Rohingya people.

A leaked video has surfaced, exposing the horrifying actions of the Rakhine rebel group, the Arakan Army (AA), engaging in acts that blatantly violate international laws, national laws, and basic human rights. The footage serves as a chilling example of the atrocities committed by the Arakan Army against the Rohingya people, including their active participation in mass killings in Maungdaw and Buthidaung.

The video highlights the brutal reality of life for many Rohingya under the control of the Rakhine rebels. Victims face abduction, forced labor, physical abuse, and psychological torment, as the group continues to target and oppress innocent civilians. Entire communities have been displaced, their homes burned, and families torn apart due to the relentless violence orchestrated by the Arakan Army.

These inhumane actions underscore the ongoing plight of the Rohingya people, who have endured decades of systemic discrimination, violence, and neglect. The international community must urgently intervene to hold the perpetrators accountable, ensure justice for the victims, and protect those who continue to suffer under the control of the Arakan Army.

Re-posted from Facebook.

December 2024. Maung daw township Myanmar. The face of genocide.

These images are here to help the Rohingya people, who are currently resident in the Bangladesh refugee camps, to identify possible relatives. As for the general public. Take a look at the ugly face of genocide, which is still happening because no western country will make a stand against the monsters  who  are carrying out these heinous crimes. I have tried to avoid showing the severed limbs and other serious injuries simply because all people deserve some level of dignity.

Torture of an innocent Rohingya refugee. Please raise our voice against these terrible atrocities.

Ayub (34), a father of four daughters from Camp-3, Block-C38, Kutapalong, Refugee Camp, Bangladesh was kidnapped last week by local terrorists from Shamlapoor. As a daily worker, he struggled to make ends meet, and his family was unable to meet the ransom demand of 8 lakh set by the kidnappers.

Tragically, Ayub was found dead, his body brutally restrained with chains on his hands and legs. This heartbreaking loss highlights the lack of security and protection for vulnerable individuals in refugee camps and nearby areas. His life, like so many others, was stolen by the violence that continues to plague the Rohingya community.

Nothing to say, but just a question.

Do you know whose world this is, that it allows such cruelty to persist? Whose world is this, where the innocent are left to die, and justice remains a distant dream? I wonder if this world belongs to those who dare to watch the Rohingya die this way. Those who choose silence over action.

  Text by a refugee. Anon.

Why don’t Rohingya refugees get Justice in their stay in Bangladesh: The Role of Court and Police Station.

Author: Md. Rahim Ullah
You can reach @ author: rahimiiuc2014@yahoo.com
Co-author: Mohammed Imran
imran.rrsa@gmail.com

The position of the Rohingya is both tragic and complex. Having lived in Myanmar for hundreds of
years, they are now denied citizenship there, having been constitutionally stripped of it in 1982 by the
Myanmar government. Over a million have fled from severe violence over the border to Bangladesh
and now remain confined there in refugee camps where they must rely on international humanitarian
aid to survive. And now this aid is diminishing.
Bangladesh is a poor nation, and therefore cannot assimilate and grant the Rohingya citizenship when
there are not jobs enough for its own. And there are significant challenges for them in terms of justice
and legal protections.
Role of Courts:
1) Limited Legal Status:
Their undocumented status limits the Rohingya access to legal rights, including the right to seek justice
through the Bangladeshi courts. The legal system often doesn’t apply to them in the same way it does to
Bangladeshi citizens.
2) Restricted Access to Courts:
Because the Rohingya are not citizens, they often cannot file legal complaints or seek justice in the
regular courts without prior permission of the assigned Camp in Charge (CiC). Legal procedures are
usually tailored for citizens while Rohingyas face such barriers as language, lack of identification,
insufficient legal representation, and discrimination as refugees and Forceful Displaced Myanmar
Nationals (FDMN).
3) Injustice in the System:
There have been reports of Rohingyas facing injustice when they try to access legal remedies. For
example, they may not receive fair trials, and there are instances of corruption or discrimination that
prevent them from getting a fair hearing. Without recognized legal status, there’s little accountability
for perpetrators of crimes against Rohingyas, including exploitation, abuse, or human trafficking.
Roles of Police Stations:
1) Extrajudicial mode of law by law enforcing agencies perversion:
The extrajudicial mode of law enforcement agencies and Perversion attitude and individual negative
perception of refugees often deter refugees from getting fair justice from the judicial system. Police
intimidate and bully refugees in the course of justice. Refugees face constant discrimination and
challenges due to negative narratives established by the local and international media.
2) Police Reluctance to Intervene:
Police stations in Bangladesh often face challenges when it comes to dealing with Rohingya refugees
and FDMN. Many police officers view them as “foreigners” and may not be motivated to address crimes
committed against them. In some cases, there’s a lack of training or resources to understand the
complexities of refugee laws and human rights.
3) Lack of Protection:
Rohingya refugees are often vulnerable to violence, trafficking, and exploitation. While the police
should theoretically offer protection, in practice, many Rohingya are subjected to abuse by local
authorities or lack adequate police protection. Reports of police involvement in human-trafficking rings
or exploitation within refugee camps have also surfaced.
4) Systemic Corruption and Inaction:
In some areas, local police may be corrupt or involved in illegal activities, such as extortion, bribery, or
supporting criminal groups that prey on vulnerable refugees and FDMN. This systemic corruption
weakens the ability of the justice system to function properly and denies Rohingya any real protection
or justice.
CHALLENGES TO JUSTICE:
Political Pressure and lack of willingness:
The Bangladeshi government faces significant pressure, both domestically and internationally,
regarding the Rohingya crisis. While Bangladesh has shown hospitality, it also has its own socio-
political challenges, including concerns about national security, resource allocation, and public
sentiment about the Rohingya presence. These pressures may result in a lack of will to invest in
improving the justice system for the Rohingya.
SUGGESTIONS FOR IMPROVING JUSTICE FOR THE ROHINGYA:
Recognition of Legal Status:
One key step would be to grant Rohingyas a clearer legal status, such as refugee or temporary protected
status, which could afford them basic legal rights and access to courts. This would allow them to seek
justice more effectively, even if that means temporary measures until a longer-term solution is found.
Strengthening Police Training:
Police forces in areas with large Rohingya populations need to be trained to understand the unique
challenges refugees face, and how to protect them. This includes providing proper protection from
exploitation, human trafficking, and other crimes.
Community Engagement and Support:
Establishing community-support systems, including NGOs, legal-aid services, and local leadership, can
help ensure that Rohingyas know their rights and how to assert them. It can also act as a check against
abuse by authorities or other actors.
Ensure Accountability:
Bangladesh government should coordinate and monitor local authorities to improve the protection of
Rohingyas in the camps. Accountability measures, whether through international agencies or local
authorities, can ensure fair justice conditions for Rohingyas in Bangladesh.
Lack of Policies in Bangladesh for Refugees:
Bangladesh is not a signatory country to the 1951 Refugee Convention, the 1967 Protocol and other
international instruments relating to the refugees. And Bangladesh doesn’t have national-level policies
to handle and cope with refugee laws that bar Rohingyas from getting justice in Bangladesh. There is
no transparency and accountability in camps for crimes committed by police, arms groups and
perpetrators, and the victims wind up victimized. The government should adopt laws, rules and
ordinances to protect refugees in the country.
In conclusion, the lack of justice for the Rohingya community in Bangladesh stems from a combination
of legal-status issues, systemic corruption, and international neglect. To achieve meaningful change, it
will require a multifaceted approach, including legal reforms, better protection from authorities, and
international cooperation to address the root causes of judicial system for refugees living in the camps.
The Bangladeshi government should focus on fair Rohingya representation before the judges, police
and relevant stakeholders during their stay in Bangladesh.