The Need for a New Humanitarian Model for the Rohingya.
In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful.
(bi’smi’Llah al-Rahman al-Rahim).
By
Dr Chris James.
Dedication: I dedicate this work to Sajeda (20), from Dhonkhali, Maungdaw, whose body was found under a bridge construction site in Refugee Camp-24, (Leda ), Bangladesh, on the 21st September 2025.
Abstract.
The continual violence against the Rohingya in Myanmar has led to an ongoing crisis, not just for refugees, but also for the Bangladesh government. There are approximately one million refugees residing in thirty-three camps at Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh.[1] The Rohingya refugees are the shared responsibility of UNHCR and the Bangladesh government, but neither have been able to meet the statutory requirements for refugee needs. Refugees live in appalling conditions rendering high levels of catastrophe, sickness and deaths. Refugees are vulnerable people, but they are alienated from their host community and are often viewed as a threat to national security…[2] In addition to the poor conditions, UNHCR has not met its 2025 donor target, leaving refugees with fewer services. To date, there are only three solutions for dealing with refugees: assimilation, resettlement or repatriation. Resettlement is dependent on the cooperation of host countries and numbers are always limited. Repatriation violates the laws that protect refugees from refoulment. Assimilation has generally been rejected due to fears of a community backlash. I contend that assimilation is the only humane solution. I draw on the works of Shafiur Rahman who is a strong critic of the refugee system and Scotland’s refugee assimilation plan, which introduces refugees into the community gradually, through an educational process that promotes mutual satisfaction, independence, confidence and full integration.
Introduction.
A camp that is designed to accommodate a particular ethnic group is not a refugee camp; it is a concentration camp. The term ‘concentration camp’ carries significant historical weight and negative connotations, and Bangladesh has consistently sought to avoid this designation. However, when the fundamental purpose and function of these camps are indistinguishable from those of concentration camps, it becomes necessary to use terminology that reflects the reality of the situation. Hitherto, in Myanmar, camps holding the Rohingya as prisoners are correctly titled concentration camps, while Bangladesh continues to sidestep this truth.
Cox’s Bazar is a concentration camp, which serves to alienate the Rohingya from the Bangladesh population. There is no freedom of movement and there are very few services, most of which are fast diminishing due to funding cuts. The refugees live in desperate circumstances. The area is prone to flooding and landslides and in every wet season, many refugees lose their shelters and often their lives. Children are particularly vulnerable and there have been several incidents of children being buried alive.
In 2023 the World Health Organisation reported 300 deaths in the Bangladesh camp with 40% of them being children under five.[3] Every year children are killed by landslides, or they drown in the waterways. Old people die from a lack of care as sickness prevails everywhere depending on the season. Due to the poor environment and the limits on medical care, routine aliments become serious medical conditions. There is a constant shortage of water, insufficient washing facilities and an inadequate supply of toilets. Sewage runs alongside the shelters, so when the camp floods, contaminated sludge and faeces drift under the plastic sheeting that covers the homes. The unsanitary conditions create constant sickness while there are insufficient medical facilities or supplies. The area has always been flood-prone and tropical diseases prevail. There is no peace, and no comfort for the Rohingya refugees. Every day is a battle for survival.
The Rohingya have occupied lands in Myanmar for centuries, but they have been denied their rights on a false premise that they are not indigenous, but infiltrators from other districts. For decades, the Rohingyas in Myanmar have been denied their rights to nationality, freedom of movement and services such as education, employment and healthcare.[4] Myanmar and Bangladesh share a common border and in 2017 when the violence against the Rohingya escalated, many refugees fled to Bangladesh.
The Bangladesh camp does not offer suitable protection to the refugees. Every week a young person goes missing and photographs are posted on social media in the hope that someone will reach out and help. The disappearance of children is a big problem, most are kidnapped for ransom, while others are used for labour or sex trafficking. When people have no resources, and hope of freedom is diminished, some folks will turn to crime. Within the camp, armed groups and criminal gangs operate with impunity, targeting refugees for murder, abduction, torture, and sexual violence. In addition, the Arakan Army has been actively kidnapping children and young people and forcing them into the military. If the community cannot meet the demands for ransom, the captives are tortured and killed. Pictures of the victims and their injuries are frequently posted on social media, but there is little response. Refugee communities are powerless, and many folks have become despondent. For many refuges, the battle to survive seems never-ending and mental health problems are common. Notably, the world has responded to the atrocities in Gaza, but no country has responded on mass to the plight of the Rohingya. Both are victims of an intergenerational genocide, but the Rohingya people are a forgotten people.
Many of the Rohingya refugees have suffered horrendous mutilations, including the loss of limbs. Children have been burned alive and/or tortured. Women have been beaten and sexually violated. The physical and psychological trauma of Myanmar’s genocide is beyond comprehension. The insurgents are winning over the government authorities, but both have failed in their duty to protect the innocent. The war has now entered the refugee camp and terrorists have found ways to threaten, intimidate and torture the residents. Daily people beg for resettlement, but there are never enough places. Law enforcement continues to fail as people become more desperate. The numbers of incoming refugees are currently unsustainable.
Sadly, public support for the Rohingya also appears to be diminishing. The problems appear intractable. The discourse has changed, from, ‘save the refugees’, to ‘send them back to where they came from’. The most common solution to be rendered now is safe zones and repatriation, which for the refuges is frightening and unachievable. There are no safe zones in wars! While international laws are failing to have any real impact, the refugees are suffering a deeper and more visible crisis.
Most refugees in the Bangladesh camps live under constant threat of abduction, torture, forced recruitment or murder, while security in the camp remains totally inadequate to meet any of the safety requirements. The Arakan Army and other armed actors are operating around the border and they infiltrate the camp forcing refugees into conscription. The bilateral relationship between Bangladesh and Myanmar only exacerbates the problem. Nonetheless, the Bangladesh government maintains they are doing their best in offering humanitarian assistance. Nothing could be further from the truth! The Myanmar and Bangladesh relationship continues to compromise the Rohingya refugees who are put in constant danger, by dubious bilateral arrangements. If the refugees were integrated into the daily life of the Bangladesh population, it would be a different story, but the fact that they are not integrated after so many years of confinement, raises important questions.
The Rohingya refugees have witnessed untold atrocities and hardships that no human being should have to endure. International law mandates the strict humanitarian treatment of refugees, but the overall constraint of refugees in Bangladesh does not meet the lawful requirements and the continued ties between Bangladesh and Myanmar continue to disadvantage the Rohingya. Refugees are deprived of any freedoms; they are not permitted to leave the camp and there are no proper medical or educational services. Food is also in short supply, made worse by recent international cuts to funding. The Bangladesh refugee camp violates international and refugee laws. Despite the endless campaign to promote Bangladesh as a humanitarian nation the world will soon realise that Bangladesh has engaged in dubious motives for establishing the camp, isolating the Rohingya and depriving them of necessary services. Life in the camp is a humanitarian crisis of unimaginable proportion.
Most Rohingya in the Bangladesh camps face persistent threats. They live in fear of armed incursions, nightly shootings, abductions, sexual violence and forced recruitment by armed groups. The diminishing food supplies and lack of services exacerbates their insecurity. These incidents are compounded by restricted legalities and the political dynamics that occur between Bangladesh and Myanmar.
Over the past few years, I have been working online with the refugees offering trauma counselling and crisis support. I have witnessed live on my computer screen the nightly shootings carried out by terrorist gangs that infiltrate the camps from Myanmar. I have seen the forced recruitments of young refugees who are dragged unwilling into the Arakan Army (AA). I have viewed the injuries and deaths perpetrated by the AA terrorists. Just recently an AA soldier filmed the rape of a young woman and posted it on social media, it took several days to get Facebook to take the footage down. Not only was this an unconscionable act. It revealed the vulnerability of women. Rape is a common offence in wars and conflicts and nothing can fully restore the victim’s dignity while women are still viewed as the property of men. It pleases me to see many of the camp’s leaders engaging in educational activities that help women to become liberated, but I also know this raises some ‘old school’ hostilities, both inside and outside the camp.
There is no end to the pain and humiliation the Rohingya suffer and there has been no willingness by the Bangladesh government to bring about any humanitarian alternative to the sordid squalor of the bamboo and plastic camp shelters. Allegedly, under the watch of Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, there have been untold numbers of refugees who were tortured, killed or sent back to Myanmar in violation of international laws. Hasina turned the Bangladesh people against the refugees, to serve her own purposes. To date, the interim government has been powerless to bring about much in the way of improvement, albeit there have been good intentions.
Currently, funding cuts are seeing reductions in food, fuel and adequate shelters, while at the same time more refugees are crossing from Myanmar into Bangladesh to find safety. To resolve the refugee crisis, there have been consistent plans for repatriation, which violate international laws on refoulment. There can be no repatriation while there is a dysfunctional system in Myanmar. Witness the statement from Amnesty International to the UN.
The situation is bleak, perhaps the bleakest since the 2021 coup – as civilian deaths reach 7,000 and unlawful military air strikes continue, killing civilians in classrooms, at weddings, in shelters and even during the aftermath of the earthquake that struck Myanmar in March… Funding is needed now for Rohingya teachers, journalists in exile, college students escaping war-torn central Myanmar, earthquake survivors, refugees reliant on medical care, people who are internally displaced by armed conflict, frontline humanitarian workers and dissidents on the run needing urgent safe houses, among many others. [5]
Refugees experience days of hope, followed by disappointment. Refugees attempt to muster services among themselves, but there are never enough resources to meet the needs for food, education and medical supplies. The Rohingya are on a constant rollercoaster of diminishing hope and the need to get back into positive gear again, to survive.
Many refugees still hope for repatriation, which is impossible, and resettlement is limited to only one percent of the global refugee population. This makes assimilation the only viable alternative for the Rohingya and it must be a consideration since there are numerous examples across the globe where assimilation is working, both for the refugees and the nations that have embarked upon this plan.
Why is Assimilation a Problem?
The Rohingya are Muslims, so why is there a problem in assimilating the Rohingya Muslims into the Bangladesh Ummah?The Bangladesh government has had fears that any permanent demographic change would create a domestic backlash, but at the same time the Bangladesh government created the circumstances that might give rise to any potential backlash. Government policy has consistently framed the Rohingya presence as temporary and conditional on safe, voluntary return to Myanmar rather than long‑term local settlement in Bangladesh. However, Myanmar is not safe, and it is unlikely to ever be safe for the Rohingya. Clearly, assimilation would disrupt the policy that gives Bangladesh its international bargaining power. The fact is, the Rohingya refugees provide the government with incredible visibility and prestige on the world stage. Bangladesh has gone from being a marginalised, poor country to one that now has an international voice.
Maintaining the Rohingya as refugees preserves the political leverage the government has acquired in negotiations with Myanmar and with the international community. Keeping the Rohingya confined and powerless suits the Bangladesh purpose of being seen as a humanitarian nation. The focus is on the refugee presence, not on how they are imprisoned and mistreated.
The Bangladesh government has created a deliberate policy to keep the Rohingya in isolation. The government has prevented them from acquiring any form of assimilation or integration within the Bangladesh population. Moreover, the refugees are banned from learning the Bangladeshi language or the culture. Indeed, the Rohingya have their own cultural centre in the camp, which serves to highlight and separate the two distinct groups.
The Rohingya have a lot in common with the Bangladesh people, but they are systematically banned from engaging with the population or attending any of the Bangladeshi cultural or educational institutions. The aim has been to prevent the Rohingya from any form of assimilation or integration into the Bangladesh society. Instead, they are kept as prisoners behind wire fences with armed guards in towers overlooking the camp. The refugees are told the towers and armed guards are there for the protection of refugees. Notwithstanding, guards have been known to shoot into the crowds as refugees wander through thoroughfares.
The Bangladesh government’s aim has been to completely isolate the Rohingya population. In this respect, Bangladesh is not only complicit in supporting the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya that took place in Myanmar, but the Bangladesh government is also engaging directly in ethnic cleansing by isolating the Rohingya from the Bangladesh community and the outside world. To this end, Bangladesh is not the compassionate host it is made out to be, it is a criminal agent working for Myanmar. Bangladesh has simply become an extension of the discriminatory and isolationist policy that has been carried out against the Rohingya by Myanmar’s authorities over the decades.
The restrictions on the Rohingya refugees are aimed at keeping and maintaining the total control over the Rohingya people, but Bangladesh has not been active in this respect without having its own dubious aspirations. None of this happened by accident or by circumstance, it has been a deliberate plot, to isolate, oppress and in effect to decimate (or ethnically cleanse) the Rohingya identity, not just from Myanmar, but from the region. Indeed, neighbouring India has also attempted to ethnically cleanse the Rohingya from its shores. On the 25th August 2025, the British Broadcasting Company (BBC) reported on the attempted murder of a boatload of refugees that set sail from India. 40 Rohingya refugees were allegedly deported by the Indian government back to war torn Myanmar. They were flown from Delhi to an island in the Bay of Bengal where they boarded a naval vessel and were subsequently thrown into the Andaman Sea with life jackets. They then made their way to shore and are now facing an uncertain future in Myanmar. [6]
“They bound our hands, covered our faces and brought us like captives [on to the boat]. Then they threw us in the sea,” John, one of the men in the group, told his brother by phone soon after reaching land. “How can someone just throw human beings into the sea?” asked Mr Amin. “There is humanity alive in the world but I have not seen any humanity in the Indian government.”[7]
The isolation of the Rohingya has been an ongoing tool of oppression that has been deliberately calculated and controlled to serve the interests of the Bangladesh government. As journalist Shaflur Rahman has rightly indicated, “containment is not protection”… and “exclusion is not refuge.”[8] The refugee camp is not a haven, but a prison for a particular unwanted ethnic group, in other words, a ‘concentration camp’ for the Rohingya.
Shaflur Rahman has rightly claimed that the Rohingya people have been used to bolster the global visibility of Bangladesh and thus, its political and global economy. He states, “the so-called burden of hosting the Rohingya is actually a source of diplomatic leverage and economic rent…exclusion is not a policy, it is a design.” [9] Seemingly, the care and protection of refugees is left to the charities who face a constant battle to satisfy donors by fulfilling their aims and objectives in a politically hostile environment.
Bhasan Char.
. In recent years the level of crime in the refugee camps has been bad publicity for the Bangladesh government so, on the basis of overcrowding the Hasina government relocated an estimated 9,000 – 35,000 refugees to Bhasan Char, a 40-square kilometre sand-bar island off the coast of Bangladesh in the Bay of Bengal. The location was ideal for the Bangladesh government because it was out of view from critics and humanitarian workers. However once again, the Bangladesh government made use of it to elevated its visibility as a humanitarian agent with the construction of rows of concrete buildings designed to house the refugees. As a result, several thousand refugees were plunged into far greater isolation, but this time it wasn’t monsoon floods that threatened the refuges, it was rising sea levels. Human Rights Watch called it “The Island in the Middle of the Sea.”[10] The Bangladesh government moved roughly 20,000 people to the island just prior to the monsoon season and the ultimate aim was to relocate 100,000 refugees to the island. There were food shortages, unreliable water sources, lack of schools and health care, and severe restrictions on freedom of movement. It was, “an island jail in the middle of the sea.”[11]
Here is what Human Rights Watch has to say about Bhasan Char:
Formed only in the last 20 years by silt deposit in the delta, its shape and shorelines have repeatedly shifted. Three to five hours from the mainland by boat, inaccessible in high winds, and lacking an airstrip for fixed-winged planes, Bhasan Char has limited capacity for evacuation in the event of a cyclone. During severe weather, the island is cut off from the rest of the world.[12]
Even in the face of global criticism, Bangladesh has continued to concoct a narrative around its willingness to house the Rohingya at Bhasan Char. Again, Bangladesh has used this narrative to elevate the nation state and its visibility on the international stage. In this instance, Bhasan Char means Bangladesh can be seen as putting money into new and substantial refugee accommodation. It sounds impressive, but in reality it is Hell on Earth.
Wherever there are humanitarian discussions around Rohingya refugees Bangladesh presents itself as a generous host and Bhasan Char as a sound humanitarian solution, but this is a deliberate deception. The real story reveals a conspiracy to defraud the relative governments and their agents into believing that Bangladesh is interested in protecting the refugees, when in fact the reverse it true. Bangladesh is an extension of Myanmar’s cruelty.
The Hasina government deceived the international community with generous offers to house the Rohingya, which served to hide the shocking conditions the refugees were forced to endure. The Hasina government was corrupt at all levels. It allowed for the exploitation of child labour and for the entry of terrorists and other undesirable predators into the camps to exploit, abduct, torture and kill the refugee residents. The system was backed up by corruption at every level of government and its authoritarian forces.
Shaflur Rahman states:
We’ve seen the same pattern again and again — from forced returns in 1978 and the 1990s, to the refusal to register Rohingya after 1992, to the post-2017 regime of restrictions. Temporary shelter is offered, but long-term marginalization is the rule.[13]
Shaflur Rahman continues:
The camps have been deliberately kept isolated, and securitized. Barbed wire fencing, the bans on formal education, livelihoods, and movement, and the tolerance of armed groups and abusive policing, all serve a dual purpose — to avoid integration and to maintain a constant crisis atmosphere that is useful for bargaining.[14]
Clearly, by using the Rohingya crisis the Hasina government was able to secure aid that extended way beyond what the Rohingya would receive and it set up a dependency under false pretences. Bangladesh extracted numerous opportunities to expand its visibility on the global stage, precuring donor good will and humanitarian legitimacy. As Shaflur Rahman suggests, this in turn has provided the confidence for the Government to oppress and manipulate its own people.[15] We saw the result of this manipulation in the 2024 student pro-democracy and anti-government riots across various campuses and city streets. It caused Hasina to flee to India after ordering the shooting of protesters, which left an estimated 1,400 killed.
Refugee Rights.
Refugee often enter the Bangladesh camp seriously injured and traumatised, but the idea that the refugees are helpless and dependent is very misleading. The refugees bring with them a multitude of skills and initiatives and they have a legislated right to pursue a life as normal as possible. With this in mind, an internationally recognised photography school has been established that has produced a multitude of excellent and professional photographers who have published globally. Numerous refugees have written and published books. Teachers have set up their own schools and learning centres, often with no funding or support. Many of the Rohingya people engage in farming and work to grow their own food. They contribute to constructing their own shelters and they maintain the camp infrastructure, roads, bridges and the like. None of these occupations are paid, but the Bangladesh government bring their own dignitaries to the camp and boast about the innovation that they take the credit for. Shaflur Rahman has highlighted how the refugees get no praise, rather they are promoted as aid dependent, which justifies the ongoing exclusionary policies.[16]
“The “aid-dependent” label functions ideologically: it naturalizes containment, justifies exclusionary policies, and conceals the surplus value extracted from Rohingya lives… In truth, the Rohingya are made vulnerable not because they are a burden, but so they can be exploited both as cheap labour and as commodities within the aid economy. [17]
The Rohingya refugees could make significant contributions to Bangladesh if they were recognised as legitimate members of the population.
The Result of Exploitation.
Refugees experience systemic work-related exploitation and when the work is unavailable, some are forced into illegal practices to feed their families creating a never-ending cycle of exploitation that serves to legitimize a false discourse that refugees are a problem. This in turn helps to maintain the interests of governments and international agencies. Restrictions on movement, work, and education have disabled meaningful participation for the Rohingya while fuelling dependency and growing resentment, not just among the refugees but also amidst the Bangladesh population. There is an ongoing narrative on how the Bangladesh government’s hosting of the Rohingya refugees is endangering the country.
Feigning Poverty.
Bangladeshis like to cry poor, but on an average, the real GDP growth of the country from 2017 to 2020 has remained stable at around 7.70. Like most capitalist regimes, “the rich get richer, and the poor get poorer”. The Rohingya have contributed enormously to growing the Bangladesh economy. There have been many new job opportunities for volunteers, community specialists, teachers, health workers and so on. Currently, 150 national and international aid groups, non-governmental and subsidiary organizations are operating in Rohingya camps.[18] In the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), for instance, more than 200 Bangladeshis have been employed. They are highly paid. Notably, international donor agencies provide relief goods to Rohingya refugees who sell these to local traders. Local entrepreneurs purchase the products from Rohingya refugees at very low rate and sell these to their fellow Bangladeshis at a profitable price.[19] Without doubt, the Bangladesh population benefit from the Rohingya presence in multiple ways.
Assimilation and the Scottish Model.
With the constant flow of refugees into the camp, the situation for everyone has become untenable. The Bangladesh government must admit that change is desperately needed by the refugees and for the Bangladesh people. Many refugees have been born in the camp, which under international law should make them eligible for Bangladesh citizenship. Others have rights based on the time they have spent in illegal confinement. Refugees have been made distinct from common laws, and this is both discriminatory and a categorical error that disadvantages everyone. Refugees must be assimilated into the Bangladesh population, either under their entitlement in international law or by way of a humanitarian mandate. Assimilation requires the full absorption of a refugee population into the host nation’s legal, linguistic, economic and civic life. The best workable example of this occurring is the Scottish model of assimilation.[20] Clearly, assimilation cannot happen by shifting a million or so people in one move. However, it is important to recognise that existing camps are unsustainable, there has to be change. The impacts of the current camp system can be listed as follows:
Substantial land use changes with loss of natural and agricultural land. Soils sealing and erosion. Water consumption and pollution. Greenhouse gas emissions due to traffic. Supply logistics heating and energy consumption. Social isolation and conflicts due to high population density. Lack of space. Long and frequently unstable food supply chains. Food insecurity and food waste. Health education and quality of life. [21]
There are several options. The existing camp could be turned into an open-source camp with a gradual upgrade, creating for example, a small town with equal services to other small towns and total freedom of movement. As a matter of priority, the camp must be opened up to public scrutiny, allowing for non-refugees to share the space and engage in various enterprises that would support the refugees and benefit the general population.
In recent years, a number of commentators have suggested that many refugee camps are fundamentally changing in nature, and that they are effectively becoming cities. Such observations have especially been made in relation to large and long-established camps such as Kakuma in Kenya and Zaatari in Jordan, where the original tents have been replaced by more durable housing, and where a wide range of shopping, trading, manufacturing, recreational and sports activities have been established.[22]
Successful assimilation empowers the refugees and changes the refugee long-term status from temporary guests to de facto members of the state, and it attributes them with full rights, obligations and political incentives that benefit both the host state and the refugee population.
The Scottish Mode of Assimilation.
Technically, there is no one model of assimilation in Scotland, the methodology named New Scots Refugee Integration Strategy is a collaboration that involves the whole Scottish population. The strategy is led jointly by the Scottish Government, The Convention of Scottish Local Authorities (COSLA), and Scottish Refugee Council. Scotland favours integration and multiculturalism as opposed to assimilation. This means not expecting incoming groups to accept a dominant culture but allowing them to express their own culture within the community. Scotland defines its project as being multicultural, multidirectional, multilingual and restorative.[23] Restorative in the Bangladesh camp situation might be viewed as recognising that all parties, government and refugees are not of one faith but have more in common than they have in differences.
In Bangladesh, the Ummah is fundamental to the aspirations of individuals and the nation state, but one branch of the refugee population has been forgotten. While most of the refugees are Muslims, minority groups have been subjected harassment and death threats. Resettlement for these groups has to be a priority. Time for ijtihad, and striving for what it right. All parties deserve justice and all parties must exercise tolerance.
The Scottish example of assimilation works across all beliefs. It has much to offer in respect of assimilation and multiculturalism. Many people have had to examine their priorities and what constitutes human rights. The community must become educated, sympathetic and committed to supporting refugees and asylums seekers from the moment they arrive. Close contact and support make for good friendships. A lot of pre-arrival education has already taken place before refugees’ step ashore, and there is mutual agreement on how to bond effectively. Certainly, this takes work, and it takes time, but changing negative opinions must start somewhere. The immediate support of newcomers is essential to the Scottish program. Integration happens from day one and it involves multiple partners, a human rights foundation; local government and other authorities as well as non-government organisations. The strategy is to make newcomers feel welcome by focussing on immediate needs, such as employment, education, housing and skills already acquired as well as what might be added. There is a ‘buddy’ system and café meet-ups. Communication with all parties is essential, ongoing and made pleasurable. Education and sharing among all sectors of the society are essential to bring about harmony. Educational facilities and employers have a large role in bringing the programme into effect. Open dialogue addresses any immediate problems and there is the avoidance of bureaucracy. So much can be achieved by actually getting to know people and offering friendship, Scotland has made this a political policy.
Concluding Remarks.
Rohingya refugees have created an economic boom for Bangladesh in many ways. Due to the Rohingya population, many skilled and unskilled Bangladesh people, have found new avenues to create employment and improve their lives. The Bangladesh government has secured its place on the global stage, under the guise of being a humanitarian agent. The contribution made by the Rohingya must not be underestimated. The Rohingya have displayed their gratitude and appreciation to the Bangladesh government for giving them accommodation, but effectively they have been imprisoned and denied their refugee rights. They have worked hard to create and maintain an infrastructure for survival. Now a new generation of Rohingya are emerging. They are educated, smart, politically savvy and self-determined. They should not, and likely will not be confined. The Rohingya crisis has been a protracted one and it continues to be problematic. Now is the time for change! However, the Bangladesh government, needs to learn more about democracy, equality and human needs. It is the lesson that brought students out onto the streets across multiple cities. You cannot rebuke and ostracize people indefinitely; there are rights and obligations to be shared by everyone. Bangladesh needs to embark upon a program to free the refugees. In addition, the Bangladesh government needs to sanction Myanmar and protect its borders from infiltrating terrorists. Above all, there must be a program for allowing the refugees to work and have the freedom to experience full and productive lives. The refugees are not dependent; they have many and varied skills. Assimilation into the Bangladesh community is not impossible, it simply requires the will to succeed. Assimilation, as demonstrated in numerous nation states, is good for the economy, good for people and good for those who have suffered indescribable pain and neglect. No more refugee Life!
About the Writer.
I am an independent Human Rights advocate for refugees, and I have been working online with the Rohingya for approximately 6 years in counselling, general knowledge and advocacy. I have published several works on the Rohingya, including an illustrated book on “Life in a Rohingya Refugee Camp”. which I co-produced with one of the camp residents. My qualifications are as follows: I hold a Doctorate in Communications, A Masters in Psychoanalytic Studies and a second Master’s in International and Community Development, (Deakin University Victoria. Australia). In addition, I have certificates in Cognitive Behavioural Therapy and Conflict Resolution.
· Email: doctorchrisjames@gmail.com
· Address
· P.O Box 118 Welshpool
· Victoria 3966
· Australia.
· +610411797396
· Website www.doctorchrisjames.com
[1] UNHCR Bangladesh. 5th Sept. 2025. Retrieved 7th Sept. 2025.
[2] G.R.Klein Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 2025 47 960 Scholar Google.com citations. Retrieved 17th 09. 2025.
[3] ‘There Is No Hope’: Death and Desperation Take Over the World’s Largest Refugee Camp. | TIME Magazine Retrieved 17th Sept. 2025.
[4] Amnesty International 2025. Rohingya: the deadly situation in Myanmar explained. Retrieved 20th September, 2025.
[5] Amnesty International. 2025. Myanmar: Amnesty International oral statement at the Fifty-ninth regular session of the UN Human Rights Council, 16 June – 9 July 2025 – Amnesty International Retrieved 20th September, 2025.
[6] Samira Hussain 2025 South Asia Correspondent, BBC News, Delhi https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c4g0p0522zeo Retrieved 20th September,2025.
[7] Ibid. Samira Hussain South Asia Correspondent, BBC News, Delhi https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c4g0p0522zeo Retrieved 20th September,2025.
[8] Shaflur Rahman 2025.Rohingya Refugee Newsletter. https://counterpointbd.com/Rethinking-Bangladesh%E2%80%99s-Rohingya-Response?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email Retrieved 17th Sept 2025.
[9] Ibid.
[10] Human Rights Watch. 2025. “An Island Jail in the Middle of the Sea”: Bangladesh’s Relocation of Rohingya Refugees to Bhasan Char | HRW Retrieved 20th September 2025.
[11] Ibid.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Shaflur Rahman 2025. https://counterpointbd.com/Rethinking-Bangladesh%E2%80%99s-Rohingya-Response?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email Retrieved 20th September, 2025.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Ibid.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Ibid
[18] Bangladesh News. 2025. http//bangladeshnews24.com/Bangladesh/2019/08/31/ Retrieved 21st September 2025.
[19] Ibid.
[20] New Scots Refugee Integration Strategyhttps://www.gov.scot/publications/new-scots-refugee-integration-strategy-2024/pages/6/ Retrieved 22.September 2025.
[21] Sustainable_design_principles_for_refugee_camps wageningen_university_and_research_412412.pdf and https://www.scribd.com/document/839403670/Sustainable-Design-Principles-for-Refugee-Camps-wageningen-University-and-Research-412412Retrieved 21st September, 2025.
[22]Blog post by Jeff Crisp.Jun 6, 2024 Refugee camps: some key issues and questions – Refugee Law Initiative Blog. Retrieved 20th September 2025.